Where Political Money Actually Works

Federal election spending has tripled in real dollars since 2000. But the cost of winning a competitive state legislative seat remains a fraction of a competitive federal one, and state power delivers the policy outcomes that matter most to working people. The question for labor leaders is not whether to spend, but where a dollar does more.

Federal spending tripled in real dollars. State legislative spending barely moved.

Federal: candidate & party Federal: outside / independent State legislative (candidate-raised)

All figures in 2024 dollars (CPI-adjusted). Presidential cycle years only.

$5.7B
$6.8B
$7.8B
Citizens United
$8.7B
$8.6B
$18.4B
$15.9B
2000
2004
2008
2012
2016
2020
2024
$1.2B
$1.3B
$1.5B
$1.7B
$1.5B
$1.8B
$2.2B

Federal spending (amber/red bars) tripled in real terms: $5.7B to $15.9B. State legislative spending (green bars, amounts in green below years) grew from $1.2B to $2.2B in candidate-raised funds, less than 2x. Green bars understate total state spending: outside money in state legislative races has exploded post-Citizens United (105% growth from 2012-2016 in tracked states, per FollowTheMoney). In competitive state races, IE now equals candidate spending (CFI, 2020). Including outside money, total state legislative spending is likely $2.5-2.7B in 2024, but even doubled, state totals remain dwarfed by federal. Source: FollowTheMoney.org candidate contributions (2000-2016 published reports, 2020-2024 estimated). 2024 derived from $2.6B all-state-candidates total.

The 2022 midterm math, applied to 2026 planning

What competitive federal races cost in total spending (candidate + party + outside money), and what the same investment could buy at the state level. All figures from the 2022 midterm cycle, the direct precedent for 2026.

US Senate
$425M
Georgia 2022 total spending (Warnock vs. Walker incl. runoff)
That same money could fund:
386 competitive state house campaigns
at $1.1M each (WI competitive avg)
142 competitive state senate campaigns
at $3M each (battleground state avg)
US House
$23M
2022 toss-up average total spending (AdImpact, 33 races)
That same money could fund:
21 competitive state house campaigns
at $1.1M each
8 competitive state senate campaigns
at $3M each

Senate: Georgia 2022 total spending from OpenSecrets/AdImpact (candidates $175M + outside $250M+, including runoff). House: AdImpact tracked $770M combined across 33 Cook toss-up races = ~$23M avg per race. Issue One reported $5.3M median candidate-raised (excludes party + outside). State house: WI Democracy Campaign, avg across 8 competitive Assembly races. State senate: $3M estimated from WI (12 races over $1M, SD-17 at $4.5M in 2018), MI (10 of 38 races over $1M in 2018), NC (SD-7 at $3M+ in 2022). PA runs higher ($3.5M state senate avg in 2024). Other battlegrounds run cheaper.

These ratios have held steady across five midterm cycles

Both federal and state costs have risen 5-10x since 2006. The purchasing power gap has been roughly constant. One Senate seat has always cost the equivalent of 270-390 state house campaigns. This is not a new problem. The answer has been available for 16 years.

Midterm Senate House St. Senate St. House Senate → St. House House → St. House
2006 $47M $4M $350K $150K 313:1 27:1
2010 $68M $6.5M $500K $250K 272:1 26:1
2014 $124M $8M $1M $400K 310:1 20:1
2018 $209M $15M $2.5M $700K 299:1 21:1
2022 $425M $23M $3M $1.1M 386:1 21:1
2010: The cost of not investing in state power
Labor lost 20 state legislative chambers. Wisconsin passed Act 10, gutting public-sector collective bargaining. Right-to-work laws spread across MI, OH, IN. Voter ID proliferated. Republicans took control of redistricting that shaped the next decade. Total cost to have defended key state chambers: a fraction of what was spent on federal races that year.
2022: What state investment delivered
Michigan repealed right-to-work and codified abortion rights. Minnesota passed free school meals, paid family leave, and voting rights restoration. Pennsylvania broke the GOP supermajority. Four chambers flipped to Democrats. Meanwhile, the Georgia Senate race consumed $425M. Warnock won. Name the federal legislation it produced.

What state power actually delivers for workers

State legislatures set minimum wage, public sector collective bargaining rights, right-to-work law, Medicaid expansion, paid leave mandates, workplace safety enforcement, and redistricting rules. A single state trifecta can pass more pro-worker legislation in one session than a federal majority has managed in a decade. The US House, even with a Democratic majority, cannot pass legislation past the Senate filibuster, cannot hold officials accountable through conviction, and cannot deliver policy outcomes that reach workers' lives. The federal investment buys representation. The state investment buys power.

Federal costs are total spending (candidate + party + outside/IE) for the top competitive race per cycle (Senate) or toss-up average (House). Senate sources: OpenSecrets, AdImpact, Brennan Center. House 2022: AdImpact ($770M / 33 toss-ups). House 2006-2018: estimated from OpenSecrets winner costs + outside spending growth. State house costs: WI Democracy Campaign (2018, 2022), MCFN/Bridge Michigan, FollowTheMoney.org national averages extrapolated to battleground states (2006-2014). State senate: WI, MI, NC race-level data. Pre-2018 state costs are softer estimates. Chamber flip data from Ballotpedia/NCSL. Policy outcomes sourced from state legislative records.

Reaching voters costs more and works less than it used to

36% 6%
Political phone contact rate since 1997. Pew's telephone survey response rate, which tracks political contact specifically, collapsed from 36% to 6% by 2018. Campaign live-call answer rates hit 6.5% per dial in 2024. You now dial 15 numbers to reach one voter. In 1997, you needed 3. Pew abandoned phone polling entirely after 2019.
$1.50 $3.00
Cost per door knock (vendor/paid canvassing per contact attempt). Driven by canvasser wages rising from ~$9/hr to ~$22/hr while federal minimum wage has been frozen at $7.25 since 2009. This is what you pay per door, not per vote.
$19 $40
Cost per incremental vote from door knocking. A separate metric: Green and Gerber's research shows it takes ~14 contacts to produce 1 additional vote. Cost per vote = 14 contacts × cost per contact hour. As wages rise, this rises too.

Cost per knock and cost per vote are different line items. Cost per knock ($3) is what you pay per door contact attempt. Cost per incremental vote ($40) is what you pay to produce one additional vote through sustained canvassing. Phone banking, once cost-competitive with knocking, now runs $35-60+ per vote due to collapsing contact rates. Campaign phone contact rate sources: Pew Research Center methodological reports (1997-2019), CampaignNow 2024 operational data (6.5% live answer rate). All canvassing figures are for paid/vendor programs, not volunteer.

Sources: Panel 1: Total federal election spending from OpenSecrets, CPI-adjusted using BLS CPI-U. State legislative totals (candidate-raised) from FollowTheMoney.org (2000-2016 published reports), 2020/2024 estimated. Panel 2-3: Senate total spending from OpenSecrets/AdImpact (GA 2022 $425M+, FL 2018 $209M, NC 2014 $124M, NV 2010 ~$68M, MO 2006 ~$47M). House toss-up spending from AdImpact (2022: $770M / 33 races) and OpenSecrets historical. State house costs from WI Democracy Campaign (2018, 2022), MCFN/Bridge Michigan, FollowTheMoney.org (2006-2014, extrapolated to battleground states). State senate from WI, MI, NC race-level reporting. Chamber flip counts from Ballotpedia/NCSL. Policy outcomes from state legislative records. Panel 4: Cost per door and cost per vote from Green & Gerber (Get Out the Vote), extrapolated by BLS wage growth. Phone answer rates from TNS/Kantar (2022), Pew Research.

Caveats: All federal race costs are total spending (candidate + party + outside/IE). State costs mix candidate-raised and total spending depending on data availability. Outside spending in state legislative races has grown significantly post-Citizens United (105% growth 2012-2016 per FollowTheMoney; in competitive races, IE now equals candidate spending per CFI 2020 finding). Pre-2018 state costs are estimated from national averages. PA and MI are among the most expensive state legislative environments. Other battlegrounds improve the ratios.